애플 컴퓨터와 픽사 애니메이션 제작사의 CEO인 스티브 잡스가 2005년 스탠포드 대학 졸업식에서 한 축사합니다.

먼저 세계 최고의 명문으로 꼽히는 이곳에서 여러분들의 졸업식에 참석하게 된 것을 영광으로 생각합니다. 사실, 저는 대학을 졸업하지 못했습니다. 대학 졸업식을 이렇게 가까이서 보는 것도 처음이군요. 오늘, 저는 여러분께 제가 살아오면서 겪었던 세 가지 이야기를 해볼까 합니다. 별로 대단한 이야기는 아니구요. 딱 세가지만요.

먼저, 인생의 전환점에 관한 이야기입니다.

전 리드 칼리지에 입학한지 6개월 만에 자퇴했습니다. 그래도 일년 반 정도는 도강을 하다가 정말로 그만뒀습니다. 왜 자퇴했을까요? 그것은 제가 태어나기 전까지 거슬러 올라갑니다. 제 생모는 대학원생인 젊은 미혼모였습니다. 그래서 저를 입양 보내기로 결심했던 거지요. 어머니는 제 미래를 생각해서 대학을 졸업한 사람이 양부모가 되기를 원했습니다. 그래서 저는 태어나자마자 변호사 부부에 입양되기로 되어 있었습니다. 그들은 여자 아이를 원했었지만 제가 태어났을 때 마지막 결정을 내렸었지요. 대기자 명단에 있던 양부모님들은 한 밤 중에 걸려온 전화를 받았습니다. "어떡하죠? 예정에 없던 사내아이가 태어났는데, 그래도 입양하실 건가요?" "물론이죠" 그런데 알고보니 양어머니는 대졸자도 아니었고, 양아버지는 고등학교도 졸업 못한 사람이어서 친어머니는 입양동의서 쓰기를 거부했습니다. 친어머니는 양부모님들이 저를 꼭 대학까지 보내주겠다고 약속한 후 몇개월이 지나서야 화가 풀렸습니다.

17년 후, 저는 대학에 입학했습니다. 그러나 저는 멍청하게도 바로 이 곳, 스탠포드의 학비와 맞먹는 값비싼 학교를 선택했습니다. 평범한 노동자였던 부모님이 힘들게 모아뒀던 돈이 모두 제 학비로 들어갔습니다. 결국 6개월 후, 저는 대학 공부가 그만한 가치가 없다는 생각을 했습니다. 내가 진정으로 인생에서 원하는 게 무엇인지, 그리고 대학교육이 그것에 얼마나 어떻게 도움이 될지 판단할 수 없었습니다. 게다가 부모님이 평생토록 모은 재산이 전부 제 학비로 들어가고 있었습니다. 그래서 모든 것이 다 잘 될거라 믿고 자퇴를 결심했습니다. 지금 뒤돌아보면 참으로 겁이 나는 순간이었지만, 제 인생 최고의 결정 중 하나였던 것 같습니다.

자퇴를 하니 평소에 흥미없던 필수과목 대신 재미있어 보이는 강의만 들기 시작했습니다. 그렇다고 꼭 낭만적인 것만도 아니었습니다. 전 기숙사에 들어갈 수 없었기 때문에 친구 집 마룻바닥에 자기도 했고 한 병에 5센트씩 하는 콜라 빈병을 모아서 먹을 것을 사기도 했습니다. 또 매주 일요일 밤, 한 끼를 위해 7마일이나 걸어서 헤어 크리슈나 사원에 가기도 했습니다. 맛있더군요. 당시 순전히 호기심과 직감에 따라 시도했던 일들이 후에 정말 값진 경험이 됐습니다.

예를 든다면 그 당시 리드 칼리지는 아마 미국 최고의 서체 교육을 제공했던 것 같습니다. 학교 곳곳에 붙어있는 포스터, 서랍에 붙어있는 상표들은 손으로 쓴 서체가 너무 아름다웠구요.

어차피 자퇴한 상황이라, 정규 과목을 들을 필요가 없었기 때문에 어떻게 그렇게 아름다운 서체가 나오는지 배우기 위해 서체 수업을 듣기로 했습니다. 그 때 저는 세리프체와 산 세리프체에 관해서, 서로 다른 문자끼리 조합에서 자간 간격의 조절에 관해서, 멋진 글씨체의 요소에 관해서 배웠습니다. 과학으로 잡아내기 어려운, 아름답고, 유서깊고, 예술적인 섬세함을 느꼈고, 전 그것에 흠뻑 빠졌습니다.

사실, 이 때만해도 이런 것이 제 인생에 어떤 도움이 될지는 상상도 못했습니다. 그러나 10년 후 우리가 매킨토시를 처음 디자인할 때, 그것들은 고스란히 빛을 발했습니다. 우리가 설계한 매킨토시에 그것을 모두 집어넣었으니까요. 아마 아름다운 타이포그래피를 가진 최초의 컴퓨터가 아니였나 생각합니다. 만약 제가 대학에서 그 서체 수업을 듣지 않았다면, 매킨토시의 복수 서체나 자간 간격이 조절된 서체는 없었을 것이고 맥을 따라한 윈도우도 그런 기능이 없었을 것이고, 결국 PC에는 이런 기능이 탑재될 수 없었을 겁니다. 만약 학교를 자퇴하지 않았다면, 서체 수업을 듣지 못했을 것이고 결국 개인용 컴퓨터가 오늘날처럼 뛰어난 타이포그래피를 가질 수도 없었을 겁니다. 물론 제가 대학에 있을 때는 그 순간들이 내 인생의 전환점이라는 것을 알아챌 수 없었습니다.

그러나 10년이 지난 지금에서야 모든 것이 분명하게 보입니다. 다시 말해서, 지금 여러분은 미래를 알 수 없습니다 : 다만 현재와 과거의 사건들만을 연관시켜 볼 수 있을 뿐이죠. 그러므로 여러분들은 현재의 순간들이 미래에 어떤 식으로든지 연결된다는 걸 알아야만 합니다. 여러분들은 자신의 배짱, 운명, 인생, 카르마 등 무엇이든지 간에 '그 무엇'에 믿음을 가져야만 합니다. 이런 믿음이 저를 실망시킨 적이 없습니다. 언제나 제 인생의 고비 때마다 힘이 되어 줬습니다.

두번째 이야기는 사랑과 상실입니다.

저는 운 좋게도 인생에서 정말 하고 싶은 일을 일찍 발견했습니다. 제가 20살 때, 부모님의 차고에서 스티브 워즈니악과 함께 애플을 시작했습니다. 우리는 열심히 일했고, 차고에서 2명으로 시작한 애플은 10년 후에 4000명의 종업원을 거느린 20억 달러짜리 기업이 되었습니다. 제 나이 29살, 우리는 최고의 작품인 매킨토시를 출시했습니다. 그러나 이듬해 저는 해고당했습니다. 내가 세운 회사에서 내가 해고 당하다니!

당시, 애플이 점점 성장하면서, 저는 저와 함께 회사를 경영할 유능한 경영자를 고용했습니다. 처음 1년은 그런대로 잘 돌아갔습니다. 그런데 언젠가부터 우리의 비전은 서로 어긋나기 시작했고, 결국 우리 둘의 사이도 어긋나기 시작했습니다. 이때, 우리 회사의 이사진들은 그의 편을 들었고, 저는 30살에 쫓겨나야만 했습니다. 그것도 아주 공개적으로.

저는 인생의 초점을 잃어버렸고, 참담한 심정이었습니다. 전 몇 개월 동안 무엇을 해야 할 지 모르는 채 방황했습니다. 마치 달리기 계주에서 바톤을 놓친 선수처럼, 선배 기업인들에게 송구스런 마음이 들었고 데이비드 패커드(HP의 공동 창업자)와 밥 노이스(인텔 공동 창업자)를 만나 이렇게 실패한 것에 대해 사과하려 했습니다. 저는 완전히 '공공의 실패작'으로 전락했고, 실리콘 밸리에서 도망치고 싶었습니다.

그러나 제 맘 속에는 뭔가가 천천히 다시 일어나기 시작했습니다. 전 여전히 제가 했던 일을 사랑했고, 애플에서 겪었던 일들조차도 그런 마음들을 꺾지 못했습니다. 전 해고당했지만, 여전히 일에 대한 사랑은 식지 않았습니다. 그래서 전 다시 시작하기로 결심했습니다.

당시에는 몰랐지만, 애플에서 해고당한 것은 제 인생 최고의 사건임을 깨닫게 됐습니다. 그 사건으로 인해 저는 성공이란 중압감에서 벗어나서 초심자의 마음으로 돌아가 자유를 만끽하며, 내 인생의 최고의 창의력을 발휘하는 시기로 갈 수 있게 됐습니다.

이후 5년동안 저는 '넥스트'와 '픽사'라는 회사를 시작했고, 그리고 지금 제 아내가 되어준 그녀와 사랑에 빠져버렸습니다. 픽사는 세계 최초의 컴퓨터 애니메이션영화 토이스토리를 시작으로, 지금은 가장 성공한 애니메이션 제작사가 되었습니다. 세기의 사건으로 평가되는 애플의 넥스트 인수와 저의 애플로 복귀 후, 넥스트 시절 개발했던 기술들은 현재 애플의 르네상스의 중추적인 역할을 하고 있습니다. 또한 로렌과 저는 행복한 가정을 꾸리고 있습니다.

애플에서 해고당하지 않았다면, 이런 엄청난 일들을 겪을 수도 없었을 것입니다. 정말 독하고 쓰디 쓴 약이었지만, 이게 필요한 환자도 있는가봅니다. 때로 인생에서 좌절을 겪을 지라도, 결코 믿음을 잃지 마십시오. 전 제가 하는 일을 사랑했기에 좌절하지 않고 앞으로 나아갈 수 있었다고 확신합니다. 당신이 사랑하는 일을 찾아보세요. 사랑하는 사람이 내게 먼저 다가오지 않듯, 일도 그런 것이죠. '노동'은 인생의 대부분을 차지합니다. 그런 시간 속에서 진정한 기쁨을 누릴 수 있는 방법은 스스로가 위대한 일이라고 믿는 일을 하는 것입니다. 자신의 일을 사랑하는 것만이 위대한 일을 해내는 유일한 방법입니다. 아직 찾지 못했다면 계속 찾아 보세요. 주저앉지 마세요. 전심을 다하면 반드시 찾을 수 있습니다. 일단 한 번 찾아낸다면, 서로 사랑하는 연인들처럼 시간이 가면 갈수록 사랑이 더욱 더 깊어질 것입니다. 그러니 그것들을 찾아낼 때까지 포기하지 마세요. 현실에 주저앉지 마세요.

세 번째는 죽음에 관한 것입니다.

17살 때, 이런 문구를 읽은 적이 있습니다. 하루 하루를 인생의 마지막 날처럼 산다면, 언젠가는 바른 길에 서 있을 것이다. 이 글에 감명받은 저는 그 후 50살이 되도록 매일 아침 거울을 보면서 자신에게 묻곤 했습니다. 오늘이 내 인생의 마지막 날이라면, 지금 하려고 하는 일을 할 것인가? 아니오!라는 답이 여러 날 계속 나온다면, 다른 것을 해야한다는 걸 깨달았습니다.

인생의 중요한 선택의 순간마다 '곧 죽을지도 모른다'는 사실을 명심하는 것이 저에게는 가장 중요한 도구가 됩니다. 왜냐구요? 외부의 기대, 각종 자부심과 자만심. 수치스러움와 실패에 대한 두려움들은 '죽음' 앞에서는 모두 밑으로 가라앉고, 오직 진정으로 중요한 것만이 남기 때문입니다. 죽음을 생각하는 것은 무엇을 잃을지도 모른다는 두려움에서 벗어나는 최고의 길입니다. 여러분들이 지금 모두 잃어버린 상태라면, 더 이상 잃을 것도 없기에 자신의 마음에 충실할 수 밖에 없습니다.

저는 1년 전쯤 암 진단을 받았습니다. 아침 7시 반에 검사를 받았는데, 이미 췌장에 종양이 있었습니다. 그전까지는 췌장이란 게 뭔지도 몰랐는데요. 의사들은 거의 확실히 치료가 불가능한 암이라고 했고, 길어야 3개월에서 6개월이라고 말했습니다. 주치의는 집으로 돌아가 신변정리를 하라고 했습니다. 죽음을 준비하라는 뜻이었죠. 그것은 내 아이들에게 10년 동안 해줄 수 있는 것을 단 몇 달 안에 다 해치워야 된단 말이었고 가족을 위해서 모든 것을 정리하란 말이었고 작별인사를 준비하라는 말이었습니다.

전 불치병 판정을 받았습니다. 그 날 저녁 위장을 지나 장까지 내시경을 넣어서 암세포를 채취해 조직검사를 받았습니다. 저는 마취상태였는데, 후에 아내가 말해주길, 현미경으로 세포를 분석한 결과 수술로 치료가 가능한 아주 희귀한 췌장암으로써, 의사들까지도 기뻐서 눈물을 글썽였다고 합니다. 저는 수술을 받았고, 지금은 괜찮습니다.

그 때만큼 제가 죽음에 가까이 가 본 적은 없는 것 같습니다. 또한 앞으로도 가고 싶지 않습니다. 이런 경험을 해보니, '죽음'이 때론 유용하단 것을 머리로만 알고 있을 때보다 더 자신있게 말할 수 있습니다.

아무도 죽길 원하지 않습니다. 천국에 가고싶다는 사람들조차도 당장 죽는 건 원치 않습니다. 우리 모두는 언젠가는 다 죽을 것입니다. 아무도 피할 수 없죠. 삶이 만든 최고의 작품이 '죽음'이니까요. 죽음이란 삶의 또다른 모습입니다. 죽음은 새로운 것이 헌 것을 대체할 수 있도록 만들어줍니다. 지금의 여러분들은 '새로움'이란 자리에 서 있습니다. 그러나 언젠가는 여러분들도 새로운 세대들에게 그 자리를 물려줘야할 것입니다. 너무 극단적으로 들렸다면 죄송하지만, 사실이 그렇습니다.

여러분들의 삶은 제한되어 있습니다. 그러므로 다른 사람의 삶을 사느라고 낭비하지 마십시오. 다른 사람들이 생각한 결과대로 사는 것, 즉 도그마에 빠지지 마십시오. 타인의 잡음이 여러분들 내면의 진정한 목소리를 방해하지 못하게 하세요. 그리고 가장 중요한 것은 마음과 직관을 따르는 용기를 가지는 것입니다. 이미 마음과 직관은 당신이 진짜로 무엇을 원하는지 알고 있습니다. 나머지 것들은 부차적인 것이죠.

제가 어릴 때, 제 나이 또래라면 다 알만한 '지구 백과'란 책이 있었습니다. 여기서 그리 멀지 않은 먼로 파크에 사는 스튜어트 브랜드란 사람이 쓴 책인데, 자신의 모든 걸 불어넣은 책이었지요. PC나 전자출판이 존재하기 전인 1960년대 후반이었기 때문에, 타자기, 가위, 폴라로이드 카메라로 그 책을 만들었습니다. 35년 전의 책으로 된 구글이라고나 할까요. 그 책은 위대한 의지와 아주 간단한 도구만으로 만들어진 역작이었습니다. 스튜어트와 친구들은 몇 번의 개정판을 내놓았고, 수명이 다할 때쯤엔 최종판을 내놓았습니다. 그 때가 70년대 중반, 제가 여러분 나이 때였죠. 최종판의 뒤쪽 표지에는 이른 아침 시골길 사진이 있었는데, 아마 모험을 좋아하는 사람이라면 히치하이킹을 하고 싶다는 생각이 들 정도였지요. 그 사진 밑에는 이런 말이 있었습니다 : 배고픔과 함께, 미련함과 함께. 배고픔과 함께, 미련함과 함께. 그것이 그들의 마지막 작별인사였습니다.

저는 이제 새로운 시작을 앞둔 여러분들이 여러분의 분야에서 이런 방법으로 가길 원합니다.

배고픔과 함께. 미련함과 함께

감사합니다.

'You've got to find what you love,'
Jobs says

노암 촘스키의 신자유주의 비판에대해서 검색하다 어떻게 여기까지 들어오게 되었습니다
새사연이라는 곳이 있는 것도 처음 알아고요. 앞으로 사회에 눈을 뜨는데 도움도 받고 내가 도움이 될 수 있도록 노력하겠습니다.

간단히 제 소개를 하자면

86년 1월에 태어난 건강한 사내이고, 쭉 제주에서 살다가 부산외대다니다가 지금 휴학중이고
신림에서 공부중입니다. 영어에 관심은 많은데 아직은 실력이 안되서 열심히 단어와 씨름중입니다.
얼른 실력을 쌓아서 번역하는 것에 참여하고 싶네요.

아참, 사진은 제가 불여우를 사용하는데 업로드가 잘 안되는데
차후에 수정해서 올리도록 하겠습니다.

----------------
이름은 문종현이고 010 5245 4344 전화번호입니다. 익스플로러도 업로드가 말썽이여서 사진은 조만간 ..올리겠습니다.

Families Mourn Clash Victims

Relatives and friends of the tenants who died from a clash with police at a redevelopment district in Yongsan, Seoul, cry while paying tribute to the victims at a memorial altar set up near the scene of accident, Wednesday.

Bereaved family members have hit out over the death of six people who died during Tuesday's standoff between police and tenants protesting a redevelopment project in a residential and shopping district in Yongsan, central Seoul.

The wife of one of the dead tenants, 49-year-old Lee Seong-su, cried out in sorrow when she saw his shoes after identifying his body at Soon Chun Hyang University Hospital Wednesday morning. She had only bought him the shoes several days ago.

Lee and 40 other people staged a sit-in at a five-story building from Monday, demanding more compensation to leave the district. Police mobilized a SWAT team early Tuesday morning to evict them, but a fire broke out, killing six and injuring 23.

``The wife did not recognize Lee at first, as the body was badly burned. It was not until she saw remains of his underwear, which he wore when he left home Monday morning, that she recognized him,'' said a family member of another injured tenant.

The wife of another victim, 55-year-old Yang Hoe-seong, screamed, ``Please get my husband back!''

Yang ran a Japanese restaurant in Yeouido until 1998 but moved to Yongsan, where the rent was cheaper, after the Asian financial crisis hit his family.

``When we had a meal together last Sunday, he said he was sorry for being poor. Then he joined in the protest on the rooftop of the building, and now he can never come back,'' the wife said.

Yang's two sons are chefs trained in the culinary arts of Japan, following in their father's footsteps. ``My father dreamed of opening a big restaurant with all of us working together,'' one of the sons said.

Yang's family had to search a string of hospitals before police called them late Tuesday evening and said that Yang's body was at the National Institute of Scientific Investigation for an autopsy. ``How come they did that without the family's consent?'' Yang's daughter said.

Another family named Lee saw two people become victims in the incident. The 70-year-old father, Lee Sang-rim, died and his 36-year-old son fell from the building and was severely injured. Lee ran a restaurant and bar in the area for 30 years.

``We have run a business there for 30 years, and the shop was our site for living. We wanted to keep that, keep our hope, rather than having bigger compensation,'' another son said.

People paying their condolences mourned over the death of police officer Kim Nam-hun, who was a member of the SWAT team. Kim, a 31-year-old divorcee, had an eight-year-old daughter.

``I was proud of him as he received many citations. But I used to worry about him as he always faced danger doing his job,'' Kim's father said.

Police and the prosecution are jointly investigating the exact cause of the fire and deaths. Police and the tenants made different claims about the cause of the fire ― police said the tenants sprinkled paint thinner and threw Molotov cocktails, while tenants said they threw Molotov cocktails toward the police, but their water cannon sent the weapons in the direction of the thinner.

If it is found that the fire broke out due to excessive police action, then the state will be forced to compensate the tenants, but if the cause was the tenants' violent actions, they will be burdened with responsibility and compensate the dead officer.

The decision to mobilize a SWAT team only a day after the occupation began is also under investigation. If it is found that the action was improper, police officers in charge of the operation, including police chief-designate Kim Seok-ki, may have to take responsibility.

The bereaved families and civic groups demanded the government punish those responsible and apologize for the tragedy. They claimed the authorities performed autopsies without the consent of the families, causing more distress.

rahnita@koreatimes.co.kr

[Chief Justice John G. Roberts administers the Oath of Office]

I, Barack Hussein Obama, do solemnly swear that I will execute the office of the President of the United States faithfully¹, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, so help me God.

Thank you.

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you've bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential Oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the Oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to "set aside childish things."² The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age.

All this we can do.

All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers -- Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience'[s] sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity. And we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you!

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West -- know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those -- To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

 This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred Oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The Capitol was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].

America: In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³

Faith Beyond His Father’s (News Week)

* beyond 넘어서는, 해석할 때는 '반대'의 의미, 비교의 대상이 같아야 하는 것에 주의. 그의 아버지의 신념을 넘어선 신념 또는 그의 아버지의 신념과는 반대인 신념으로 해석해야 함.

Doug Paul grew up in the midst of the Reagan Revolution. Now he's on the other side of a yawning evangelical generation gap.

* in the midst of  = amid
* my side 내편 / the other side 반대편
* yawn 하품하다. 따분하다 / gap과 같이 써서 격차가 벌어지다
* evangelical 복음주의의, (기독교적인, 교회 전도의), 복음 전도 evangelical movement

V.Doug Paul was born in July 1981 in Richmond, Va.—demographics that make his birth, in a sense, historic. He was born, six months after Ronald Reagan's inauguration, to conservative Christian parents who knew for the first time the thrill of voting for a candidate who represented their values, Christian values. Graduates of Oral Roberts University, Gregg and Glenda Paul had thrown themselves into the Reagan campaign, canvassing and making calls. "I liked the direction he was going. I liked his ability to communicate," remembers Gregg. "I liked that he was very much pro-life, less government." When Reagan won, the Pauls felt they had contributed to his landslide.

* demographics demo 민중, 인구학
* be born in ~ 집안(가문)에서 태어나다
* thrill 전율
* throw oneself to = make contribution to, dedicate 던지다, 헌신하다
* canvass 선거운동
* pro-life 생명을 선호하는 것, 즉 낙태반대 = antiabortion, cf. pro-choice 낙태찬성
* landslide 산사태, (선거에서) 압도적 승리
   cf. mudslide 진흙사태
 

In Doug's childhood home, a prayer was said over every meal. The family went to church so frequently that Doug imagined it was never closed. He didn't knowingly hear a secular pop song until he was in the ninth grade: he thought Michael Jackson was a Christian singer. His life and values were shaped by what his parents and pastors taught him about the Bible: Scripture was the divine word of God and clearly sorted righteous acts from sinful ones. Doug grew up not just believing, but knowing that abortion and homosexuality were wrong. It went without saying: when he grew up, he would vote Republican.

* knowingly 알면서, 의도적으로 = on purpose
* secure 속세의, 세속적인,  (반)divine
* not~ until ~ : ~할 때까지 ~ 하지 않다. 즉 '~한 후에야 비로소 ~ 하다'로 해석
* pastor 목사
* Scripture 성서
* righteous (형) 정당한
* sinful 죄악의
* sort A to B : B에서 A를 골라내다
* abortion 낙태
* homosexuality 동성애 (반) heterosexuality 이성애
* It go without saying : 말할 필요도 없다
 

In 2008, another historic wave swept the country, and this time Doug Paul was no longer a child. He voted—against his parents, against his pastors, against his history—for Barack Obama. More wrenching, he left the church in which he was born, baptized and married to start his own congregation. His mother, especially, remains bewildered by his choices. "My big question," she says, sitting on a landing in her suburban house, "is why do you think this way?"

* wrench (물 묻은 수건을) 짜다, 비틀다, 기묘하다
* baptize 세례를 주다
* congregation (예배후의) 만남, 회중
* bewildered 당황스러운, 어쩔 줄 모르는
* suburban 근교의, urban 도시, 도시 / (반) rural    

* Is why do you think this way? : 의문사가 있는 간접의문문에서 의문사가 문장 앞으로 빠진 형태. 주절의 동사가 think 또는 guess로 '주관적 판단'을 나타낼 때 사용
  Do you think + why is this way? = Is why do you think this way?
 cf. Do you know + who is she? = Do you know who she is?

"It's hard," says Paul in a separate conversation, "because you want the people you love to understand and to validate what you think is right—and that doesn't always happen."

* It's hard : 어렵다. tough question(대답하기 곤란한 질문)에 대답해야 할 때.
* validate 확인하다

So much has been written about the Joshua Generation, the young white evangelical Christians who pundits predicted would usher Obama into office in overwhelming numbers. Following such high-profile do-gooders as Rick Warren and Bono, moved to action by global poverty and environmental decay, these Christians were supposed to turn away from their parents' obsession with abortion and gay marriage and pull the lever for Obama. The truth, as always, is a lot more complicated. Young Christians liked Obama much better than Kerry: a third of white evangelicals ages 18 to 29 voted Democratic this time, compared with 16 percent in 2004. Still, a third is hardly a majority. And their grandparents liked Obama less: a quarter voted for him, compared with a third for Kerry. On the whole, Christians shifted negligibly to the left: 24 percent of them voted Democratic, compared to 21 percent in 2004. Exit-poll data then demonstrate not a political sea change among evangelicals—who remain more socially conservative than most other religious groups, especially on abortion— but painful generational divisions within their ranks. Disagreements revolve around priorities: how best to express Christian values in a fast-changing world.

* pundit 현자, 현인
* usher A into B A를 B로 안내하다
* office : take office = inaugurate 취임하다.
* overwhelming 압도적인
* high-profile 저명한, 널리 알려진 = well-known. cf celebrity : 주로 연예인에 사용
* do-gooder : do good 좋은 일을 하다, do-gooder 좋은 일을 하는 사람
  ex) cinema-goer 영화관 가는 사람
* environmental decay 환경 부패, 보통 환경 파괴는 environmental degration
* obsession 집착, be obsessed with ~에 집착하다
* pull the lever : lever 지렛대, 지렛대를 잡아당기다, 즉 힘을 실어주다.
* ages 18-29 : 18세에서 29세까지
* mojority 다수, 과반수
* negligibly 무시할만하게(큰 변화가 아닌)
* exit-poll 출구조사
* political sea change 정치적 지형의 변화
* evangelicals : evangelist에서 형용사를 명사로 사용한 형태

Obama fought more aggressively than John McCain for every centrist vote—especially in contested states like Virginia—and in the end succeeded in capturing enough of the Joshua Generation to make his win decisive. But behind each evangelical vote is a story like Paul's: a young person, wrestling with culture and conscience, hoping in the end that hope will prevail, aware that friends and relatives will see the choice as a betrayal. The gravity of Paul's choices, he says, "has caused some pain for me, but a lot of redemption as well. It was a breaking from what I had always known, a moving into unfamiliar territory."

* centrist 중도
* capture 잡아내다
* decisive 결정적인, 단호한 (반) indecisive
* Behind each evangelical vote is a story like Paul's : 부사가 문두로 가면서 도치된 형태
  === 도치의 형태 : 1) 부정어 문두, 2) 장소부사 문두, 3) any 문두... , 장소 부사가 문두로 갈 때는 동사+주어의 형태.
* wrestle 싸우다, 갈등하다
* prevail 확산하다
* betrayal 배신
* gravity 중력, 중요성 (형)grave 무덤, 중요한
* redemption (종교적) 구원
* unfamiliar 익숙하지 않은, 알지 못하는
 

Doug Paul struck out into unfamiliar territory during high school, after he read Joseph Conrad's "Heart of Darkness." The fatalism of that novella, its hopelessness about human redemption, made Paul question the value of Christian worship. With such doubts in his mind, he went on to Wheaton College in Illinois, the alma mater of the evangelist Billy Graham. There he met other Christians like him—questioning, politically engaged news junkies who confessed to each other that they were confused about God. "I basically became a functioning atheist," Paul says. "I hit reset, bulldozed my childhood education and started new." (Located in DuPage County, Wheaton exemplifies the kind of community that flipped for Obama. In 2004, Bush won DuPage by nearly 40,000 votes; in 2008, Obama won by 50,000.) In 2003, Paul was forced to leave Wheaton in disgrace. He had cheated his boss, for whom he worked summers selling books door-to-door, out of thousands of dollars by lying about his sales figures. (He eventually repaid his debt.) Infuriated, his parents yanked his tuition and allowed him to come back home on the condition that he return to church.

* fatalism 숙명론
* novella 중편소설
* alma mater 모교, 동창 alumnus, 동창회 alumni
* functioning 기능적인
* atheist 무신론자
* bulldoze 지워버리다
* examplify 단적으로 보여주다, 적나라하게 보여주다
* flip 뒤집히다, flip over = turn over
* in disgrace 불명예스럽게
* infuriate 격분하다
* yank 낚아채다, 잡아채다
* on the condition that ~ : ~라는 조건하에, ~라는 조건으로
 

Southside Nazarene is not the most inviting of structures: it resembles a sports complex more than a place for intimate communion. But its senior pastor, Jerome Hancock, welcomed Paul home, invited him back to church and guided him on the path to ministry. In 2004, Paul founded a study group for 20-somethings. The next year he started a ministry called Ephesus, which offered a perspective Paul felt was lacking at Southside: a broader reading of the Bible and a practical discussion of social-justice issues including poverty and human rights. "We weren't talking about abortion every week," says Paul.

* resemble 닮다
* intimate 친숙한, 친밀한, (명)intimacy 교재
* 20-something 20대

* perspective 개념, 단점


For Paul, as for so many evangelicals of his generation, the issue of gay rights drove a wedge in the already-widening gap between his elders and himself. According to the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 26 percent of white evangelicals ages 18 to 29 support gay marriage, compared with 9 percent of white evangelicals older than 30. In 2006, as Virginia was preparing to vote on an amendment banning gay marriage, Southside Nazarene posted a sign near the road urging people to vote yes. SAVE OUR FAMILIES was emblazoned on the banner. Doug Paul remembers a particular Friday-night dinner with his parents that ended in silent fuming. He and his new wife, Elizabeth, were expecting a houseguest that weekend who was gay, and he expressed irritation that their church would propagate the idea that gay people preyed on children.

* as for = as in, regarding, concerning, in terms of, about
* drive a wedge 쇄기를 박다, 격차를 벌이다. cf. wedge shoes 통굽 신발
* emblazon 장식을 하다

* fume 연기(smoke 정도는 아님), 화나는 것
  fuming 연기가 나는, perfume 향수
* irritation 분노, 초조, 짜증
* propagate(사상 등을) 전파하다, 유포시키다  cf.propaganda 선전
* prey 잡아먹다

"I'm pretty sure I just burst out during the meal," he remembers. "I was like, 'Does this really make people feel welcome? Would we put up a sign that says SAVE US FROM ANGRY PEOPLE, or whatever other people we say have sinned?' " The table fell silent. "You could hear the clink of ice cubes in our glasses," he says. His parents say they don't remember the incident.

*  clink 소리

* cube 덩어리

Paul credits Obama's campaign slogan—"Be the change you seek"—with helping him realize his dream of starting his own congregation. He prayed on the decision for months, going weekly to the driving range to think. He found the theology at Southside too punitive, its social outreach too limited. He and his peers were still pro-life, he explains, but tired of the narrow lens through which his pastors viewed the world. (On abortion, according to the same Pew study, under-29s remain as conservative as their parents: more than 70 percent believe it should be illegal in most or all cases.) Paul prayed for a "return to the Christian tradition that existed before Roe v. Wade," he said. "It's because I'm pro-life that I have to talk about poverty, clean water, AIDS, the environment. [It would be] paradoxical to talk about giving a voice to the oppressed and not to care about people who are actually born." In February he told his mentor, Pastor Jerome, that he would be leaving the church. In March he started Eikon Community, taking a dozen former Ephesus members with him. Today, he preaches to about 40 people each Sunday in a one-room church on a busy strip.

* credit (동) 믿다, 높이사다, 신용을 주다
* theology 신학
* punitive (형) 형벌의, 징벌의
    ex) punitive tax 형벌 과세
* outreach : 'reach out (잡으려고) 손을 뻗다'에서 온 명사형, 다가가기, 영향력
    ex) outreach program 주민과 함께 하는 프로그램
* peer 동료
    ex) peer pressure 동료 압박 (10대에서 흔히 볼 수 있는 스트레스)
* be tired of = be sick of 진저리가 나다,
* narrow lens 편협한 시각
* under 29s : 29세 이하
* Roe v. Wade : 낙태를 찬성한 최초의 재판
* paradoxical 역설적인, (명) paradox 역설

* preach 설교하다
* strip 가느다란 선, 지역 또는 지구
    ex) Gaza Strip
 
One of these is D.J. Glisson, a 27-year-old graphic designer who signed his absentee ballot for Obama in the presence of his 10-member prayer group. Unlike Doug Paul, who voted for Kerry in 2004, Glisson had never voted for a Democrat before. Raised in a conservative suburb of Richmond, Glisson went to a Christian college and voted for George W. Bush—twice. But Obama's speech on race resonated with Glisson's own view that there are many paths to God, and Obama's position on abortion—legal but infrequent—made moral sense. As he signed his ballot he thought, Wow, things have changed a little bit. He now avoids politics as a survival tactic at family functions. "If it's not going to open minds," he says, "I'm not going to bother."

* absentee ballot 부재자 투표
  sign one's absentee ballot for ~를 위해 부재자 투표를 하다
* resonate 반향을 일으키다
* things 상황
* survival tactic 생존 전술
 

Pastor Jerome and Doug Paul haven't spoken since Paul announced his departure—though both insist the silence is unintentional. Jerome expresses dismay that the Eikon congregation has moved so far from his church's fundamental teachings, that many drink alcohol, for example, and are willing to vote for a pro-choice candidate. "My faith in God creates a certain logical base," he says. "Does killing a baby make sense? No. Does homosexual marriage make sense? No." He compares Paul's defection to a childish rebellion and expresses conviction that maturity will bring the young man back toward conservative values. With this analysis, Hancock, who is 59, fails to consider a critical fact. He was young and idealistic once, too.

* dismay 실망
* defection 배신, defect : (명)결점, (동) (주로 탈당할 때) 배신하다
* childish 유치한
* rebellion 반항
 

Fighting Off Depression

* fight off 물리치다, 격퇴하다

“If we don’t act swiftly and boldly,” declared President-elect Barack Obama in his latest weekly address, “we could see a much deeper economic downturn that could lead to double-digit unemployment.” If you ask me, he was understating the case.

* blodly 대범하게

* weekly address 주간연설

* understate 줄여서 말하다 (반) overstate 과장해서 말하다

cf. underestimate과소평가하다 - overestimate 과대평가하다

The fact is that recent economic numbers have been terrifying, not just in the United States but around the world. Manufacturing, in particular, is plunging everywhere. Banks aren’t lending; businesses and consumers aren’t spending. Let’s not mince words: This looks an awful lot like the beginning of a second Great Depression.

* terrify 끔직하다

* not just(=only, merely) A but (also 생략구문) B : A 뿐만 아니라 B도

* plunge (웅덩이가 풍덩 빠지는 것) 급락하다

* Let's not mince words : 단독직입적으로 말하다

mince (요리)잘게 썰다, 에둘러 말하다

* awful 대단히 안좋은 (반) awesome. spelling은 비슷한데 뜻이 정반대인 것 terrible 끔직한 - terrific 환상적인, 매우 괜찮은

So will we “act swiftly and boldly” enough to stop that from happening? We’ll soon find out.

* stop A from ~ ing : (주어 때문에) A가 B를 못하게 하다,

prevent 즉 (주어 때문에) A가 ~ing 할 수 없다.

block

keep

hinder

(반) dissuade A from B : A가 B 하는 것을 단념시키다. (하지말라고 설득)

cf. persuade A to R : A to 하도록 하다 (하라고 설득)

We weren’t supposed to find ourselves in this situation. For many years most economists believed that preventing another Great Depression would be easy. In 2003, Robert Lucas of the University of Chicago, in his presidential address to the American Economic Association, declared that the “central problem of depression-prevention has been solved, for all practical purposes, and has in fact been solved for many decades.”

* be supposed to ~ 하도록 되어있다

* find oneself in ~ (~상황에 있는) 자신을 발견하다

* preventing 예방

* American Economic Assoication 전미경제협회

* for purpose ~ 할 목적으로

Milton Friedman, in particular, persuaded many economists that the Federal Reserve could have stopped the Depression in its tracks simply by providing banks with more liquidity, which would have prevented a sharp fall in the money supply. Ben Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chairman, famously apologized to Friedman on his institution’s behalf: “You’re right. We did it. We’re very sorry. But thanks to you, we won’t do it again.”

* could have p.p : 할 수 있었는데 안했다

should have p.p : 했어야 하는데 안했다

shouldn't have p.p : 하지 말았어야 하는데 했다

need have p.p : 할 필요가 있었는데 안했다

* sharp fall = plunge

* on one's behalf = on the behalf of 대신해서, 대표해서

It turns out, however, that preventing depressions isn’t that easy after all. Under Mr. Bernanke’s leadership, the Fed has been supplying liquidity like an engine crew trying to put out a five-alarm fire, and the money supply has been rising rapidly. Yet credit remains scarce, and the economy is still in free fall.

* turn out 판명되다

* be not that easy 여기에서 that은 부사로 '너무'라는 뜻. 그렇게 쉽지 않다

* put out 불을 끄다, (반)fire 불을 내다

* scarce (형)희박한, scarcity 희소성

* be in free fall 자유 낙하중이다, (반)be in increase

Friedman’s claim that monetary policy could have prevented the Great Depression was an attempt to refute the analysis of John Maynard Keynes, who argued that monetary policy is ineffective under depression conditions and that fiscal policy — large-scale deficit spending by the government — is needed to fight mass unemployment. The failure of monetary policy in the current crisis shows that Keynes had it right the first time. And Keynesian thinking lies behind Mr. Obama’s plans to rescue the economy.

* refute = revolt 반박하다

* the first time 애시당초

* A lie behind B : A가 B의 뒤에 놓여있다, 즉 B의 근간이 A이다, B가 A의 토대가 되다

But these plans may turn out to be a hard sell.

* hard sell 힘들게 팔다 즉 잘 안 먹히다

News reports say that Democrats hope to pass an economic plan with broad bipartisan support. Good luck with that.

* bipartisan 양당의, 초당적인 multipartisan

In reality, the political posturing has already started, with Republican leaders setting up roadblocks to stimulus legislation while posing as the champions of careful Congressional deliberation — which is pretty rich considering their party’s behavior over the past eight years.

* posturing 자세잡기

* set up 설치하다

* stimulus (경기) 부양

* pose 자세를 취하다

pose as the champions 챔피언으로써 자세를 잡다, 즉 거들먹거리다

* Congressional deliberation 의회 심사

deliberation 심사숙고

More broadly, after decades of declaring that government is the problem, not the solution, not to mention reviling both Keynesian economics and the New Deal, most Republicans aren’t going to accept the need for a big-spending, F.D.R.-type solution to the economic crisis.

* revile 비난하다

The biggest problem facing the Obama plan, however, is likely to be the demand of many politicians for proof that the benefits of the proposed public spending justify its costs — a burden of proof never imposed on proposals for tax cuts.

* justify its costs 들인 돈을 뽑다, 즉 효과를 보다

* burden of proof (법정용어) 입증책임

* impose on 부과하다

This is a problem with which Keynes was familiar: giving money away, he pointed out, tends to be met with fewer objections than plans for public investment “which, because they are not wholly wasteful, tend to be judged on strict ‘business’ principles.” What gets lost in such discussions is the key argument for economic stimulus — namely, that under current conditions, a surge in public spending would employ Americans who would otherwise be unemployed and money that would otherwise be sitting idle, and put both to work producing something useful.

* get lost 길을 잃고 헤메다, 즉 빠지다

* surge 증가 = skyrocket, sour

* sit idle 잠자고 있다

All of this leaves me concerned about the prospects for the Obama plan. I’m sure that Congress will pass a stimulus plan, but I worry that the plan may be delayed and/or downsized. And Mr. Obama is right: We really do need swift, bold action.

* do 동사를 강조하는 것으로 해석은 '정말로', '진짜로'

Here’s my nightmare scenario: It takes Congress months to pass a stimulus plan, and the legislation that actually emerges is too cautious. As a result, the economy plunges for most of 2009, and when the plan finally starts to kick in, it’s only enough to slow the descent, not stop it. Meanwhile, deflation is setting in, while businesses and consumers start to base their spending plans on the expectation of a permanently depressed economy — well, you can see where this is going.

* It takes A to B B 하는데 A의 시간이 걸리다

* kick in 시작하다 = take effects cf. kick out 쫓아내다

* base A on B A를 B에 기반하게 하다

So this is our moment of truth. Will we in fact do what’s necessary to prevent Great Depression II?

공황 물리치기

"만약 우리가 신속하고 대범하게 움직이지 않으면, 우리는 경제 하향세가 더 깊어지는 것을 목격하게 될 것이다. 경기는 둘 자리 숫자의 실업으로 갈 수 있다."고 최근 주간연설에서 대통령 당선자는 말했다. 나에게 물어본다면 오바마는 상황을 줄여서 말하고 있다.

사실 최근의 경제 수치들은 미국 뿐만 아니라 세계적으로 끔찍했다. 특히 제조업은 어디에서나 가동률이 떨어졌다. 은행들은 대출을 하지 않고 있고 기업이나 소비자들은 지출을 하지 않고 있다. 단도직입적으로 말해보자. 이것은 제2의 대공황이 시작될 것처럼 대단히 안 좋게 보인다.

그래서 우리가 충분히 "신속하고 대범하게 움직이면" 제2의 대공항 발생을 막을 수 있을까? 곧 알게 될 것이다.

우리는 이러한 상황 속에 있는 우리 자신을 발견해서는 안 되었다. 수 년동안 대부분의 경제학자들은 또 다른 대공황을 예방하는 것은 쉽다고 생각했다. 2003년에 시카고 대학의 Robert Lucas는 그의 전미경제협회 회장 취임 연설에서 "공항을 예방할 중심적인 문제가 모든 실질적인 의미에서 해결되었다. 사실 수십 년 전에 해결된 것이었다."

특히 Milton Friedman은 연준이 은행에 보다 유동성을 공급하는 것만으로도 공항을 막을 수 있었다고 많은 경제학자들을 설득했다. 유동성이 통화 공급의 폭락을 막을 수 있었다는 것이다. 연준 의장인 Ben Bernanke는 연준을 대표해서 Friedman에게 그 유명한 사과를 했다. "당신이 옳다. 우리가 그랬다. 여러분들에게 정말 미안하다. 그러나 당신 덕분에 우리는 이러한 잘못을 다시 하지 않을 것이다."

그러나 공황을 예방하는 것이 결국 그렇게 쉽지 않음이 판명났다. Bernanke의 지도력 하에서 연준은 엔진을 담당하는 사람처럼 큰 불을 잡기 위해 유동성을 공급해서 통화 공급이 급속하게 올라갔다. 신용은 희박하게 유지되고 있음에도 불구하고 경제는 자유낙하 중이다.

Friedman의 주장에 따르면 통화 정책은 대공황을 막을 수 있어야 했지만 그러지 못했다. 그 주장은 John Maynard Keynes의 분석을 반박하기 위한 시도였다. Keynes는 통화 정책은 대공황의 조건 하에서는 효과가 없고 정부에 의한 대규모 재정 지출인 재정 정책이 대량 실업을 막아내는데 필요하다고 주장했다. 최근의 위기에서 통화정책의 실패가 보여주는 것은 애시당초 Keynes가 옳았다는 것이다. 그리고 경제를 구해내려는 오바마의 계획은 Keynes파의 이론을 근거로 하고 있다.

그러나 오바마의 계획들이 잘 먹히지 않는 것으로 판명날 수도 있다.

뉴스 보도에 따르면 민주당은 폭넓은 양당의 지지로 경제 계획들을 통가시키기를 바라고 있다. 행운이 있기를 빈다.

실제 정치적 자세잡기가 이미 시작되었다. 공화당 지도부는 경기 부양 법안들에 대한 장애물들을 설치했다. 그들은 조심스런 의회 심사에 챔피언들로써의 자세를 취하고 있다. 의회심사는 지난 8년 동안에 자신들 당의 행동을 매우 잘 고려하고 있다.

보다 넓게는, 케인즈 경제학이나 뉴딜을 비난하는 언급은 하지 않았지만, 어떤 해결책의 제시도 없이 정부가 문제라고 선언 한 후 수 십 년 지나서도 공화당은 대대적인 지출 요구를 받아들이지 않을 것이다.

그러나 오바마의 경제 계획이 직면하고 있는 가장 큰 문제는 제안된 공공 지출의 이익이 비용을 정당화하는, 즉 입증 책임이 감세를 위한 안에 부과되지 않을 것을 증명하라는 많은 정치인들의 요구일 것 같다.

이것은 케인즈에게는 익숙한 문제이다. 케이즈가 돈을 줘 버리는 것이 보다 적은 반대에 부딪힐 수 있으나 공공 투자에 대한 계획은 그렇지 않은데 "공공 투자는 전반적으로 쓰고 없애는 것이 아니기 때문에 엄격한 '비즈니스' 원칙에 따라 판단하려고 한다."고 지적했다. 이와 같은 토론에서 빠지는 것이 주요한 경제 부양을 위한 논의이다. 즉 현재의 상황에서 공공 지출의 증가는 그렇지 않았더라면 일자리를 갖지 못할 미국인들을 고용할 수 있고, 그렇지 않았더라면 잠자고 있는 돈을 쓰게 될 것이며, 노동력과 돈을 유요한 어떤 것을 생산하는데 쓰이게 할 수 있다.

이 모든 것 때문에 오바마 계획에 대한 전망에 대해 우려가 된다. 나는 의회가 부양책을 통과시킬 것이라고 확신한다. 그러나 걱정되는 것은 그 계획이 미뤄지고/거나 축소되는 것이다. 그리고 오바마가 옳다. 우리는 신속하게 대범한 움직임이 정말로 필요하다.

나의 악몽과 같은 시나리오가 있다. 의회가 부양책을 통과시키는데 수개월이 걸리고 실제 나타난 법안도 너무 조심스럽다. 그 결과 경제는 2009년 내내 급락하여 마침내 부양책의 착수가 시작될지라도 경기 하락을 멈추는 것이 아니라 단지 늦출 수 있을 뿐이다. 한편 디플레이션이 자리를 잡고 기업과 소비자들은 영구적인 침체 경제를 예상으로 지출 계획을 시작한다. 글쎄 이것이 어디로 향하여 갈지는 명확하다.

그래서 이제는 진실의 순간이다. 우리는 제2의 대공황을 막기 위해 필요한 것을 실제로 할 것인가?

[Economist] Steve Jobs / One of a kind

Health problems complicate one of the greatest-ever corporate comebacks

*complicate 복잡하게 만들다

* the greatest-ever : 최상급+ever 지금까지의 최상의

* corporate 기업의, 법인의 cf. cooperate 협력의

IN THE annals of history, Steve Jobs appears to have one-upped Napoleon. The emperor made an impressive comeback from his exile on Elba, but it lasted only a momentous “hundred days” (111, to be precise). By contrast, Mr Jobs escaped from his 12-year exile in 1996 to return to the company that he had co-founded, Apple, and leads it still.

* annals 연대기, 연담, 기록

* appear to = seem to ~인 것으로 보인다

* one-up (명)한점 앞섬, (동)한점 앞서다, 즉 능가하다

* emperor 황제, imperialism 제국주의

* exile 추방

* last 지속하다

* momentous 일시적인

* to be precise 정확히는, precism 정밀

* by contrast 반대로, 대조적으로

* escape 도망가다, 탈출하다

* co-founded 공동 설립하다

* lead 이끌다

After being ousted in 1985 in a boardroom coup, he struggled for several years, buying or founding companies and pursuing old interests. Over time, these succeeded in their own right—Pixar, now owned by Walt Disney, became the most successful animated-film company—or as part of something else. NeXT failed commercially but succeeded technically: its software powers Apple’s products today.

* oust (대통령 등을)추방하다, 하야(물러나게)하다

* boardroom : Board of Directors 이사회(BOD)

* coup : coup d'tat 쿠테타

* pursue 추구하다

* over time 시간이 흐를수록 = As time goes on,

* succeed in ~에 성공하다, cf. succeed to ~를 계승하다

* right (명) 딱 맞는 것.

ex. This job is right. 이 일이 천직이다.

* power (동)힘이 되다

* product 제품(물건), produce(동) 생산하다/production 생산(행위)/ productivity 생산성

Napoleon’s comeback ended at Waterloo. But since his own return Mr Jobs has led Apple to its greatest successes yet. The iPod and the iTunes online music store have transformed the music industry. (This week Apple announced that it would soon drop the anti-copying software that has long been a nuisance for music lovers.) The iPhone has vaulted the mobile-phone industry forward, just as the original Macintosh changed the computer industry in 1984. Apple’s computers and laptops are resurgent.

* return 귀환

* transform 변형시키다

* drop 떨어뜨리다, 즉 없애버리다

* anti-copying software 복제금지 소프트웨어

* nuisance 불편거리

* music lover 음악 애호가

* vault (= jump, take off, leap) forward 도약하다

* just as ~ 처럼

* resurgent (형)되살아나는, resurrection 부활

If there are concerns, these too would have sounded familiar to Napoleon, who probably died of stomach cancer. Mr Jobs had cancer of the pancreas, and had part of it removed in 2004. Characteristically, he had not disclosed this for some time. And although he appears to have beaten the cancer, he shocked investors last year by mounting a stage looking sickly and gaunt. A “common bug”, he said at the time. But he is gaunt still.

* die of ~로 사망하다

* pancreas 췌장

* characteristically 특징적으로, 특이하게

* beat 무찌르다

* mount a stage 무대에 오르다

* gaunt 수척한, 몹시 여윈 (아파서 등)

Fears grew last month, when Apple abruptly announced that Mr Jobs would not, for the first time since his return to the company, give the keynote speech at Macworld, an annual trade show in San Francisco. This week Philip Schiller, Apple’s marketing boss, gamely took Mr Jobs’s place. On January 5th Mr Jobs also disclosed, for the first time, some of the details of what ails him. It is, he said, “a hormone imbalance” that has been “robbing” him of proteins, and that has a “simple and straightforward” remedy. This is plausible, since losing part of the pancreas often impairs the production of certain digestive enzymes.

* abruptly 갑자기

* trade show 무역박람회(전시회)

* gamely 용감하게, game(명) 사냥, 먹이감

* take a place 대신하다

* ail 고통을 가하다, 아프게 하다

* rob A of B : A에게 B를 빼앗다 (분리, 박탈의 전치사 of)

= deprive A of B

= steal A from B

cf. provide A with B = supply A with B A에게 B를 제공하다 (제공의 전치사 with)

= provide B to B

inform A of B A에게 B를 알리다 (통지의 전치사 of)

* straightforward (사람의 성격) 직설적인 / (일) 수월한, 간단한

* remedy 치료법

* impair 방해하다

* enzyme 효소

Mr Jobs, a Napoleonic type in many ways, including his management style, has one more advantage. The emperor had turncoats such as Talleyrand around him. Mr Jobs has a strong executive team and a board which this week promised its “complete and unwavering support”.

* turncoat (동)배신하다, (명)배신자

* unwavering 흔들리지 않는

스티브 잡스(Steve Jobs)

일종의 건강 문제가 지금까지 최고의 기업 컴백을 복잡하게 하다

역사 기록에 따르면, 스티브 잡스는 나폴레옹을 능가하는 것 같다. 나폴레옹은 엘바(Elba) 섬 추방에서 인상적인 컴백을 했다. 그러나 그의 컴백은 '100일 (정확히는 111일)'로 일시적으로 지속되었다. 대조적으로 잡스는 1996년에 12년간의 추방에서 탈출하여 공동 설립한 회사인 애플(Apple)로 돌아와 여전히 이끌고 있다.

1985년 이사회의 쿠테타로 쫓겨난 후에 Jobs는 수년간 투쟁을 하여 회사를 사고 팔며 (저평가된 주식을 통해서) 오랜 이윤을 추구했다. 시간이 흐를수록 이러한 일들이 성공해서 제대로 맞어 떨어지거나 (지금은 월트 디즈니의 소유가 된 Pixar는 최고의 성공적인 애니메이션 영화사가 되었다) 다른 어떤 것의 일부가 되었다. NeXT는 상업적으로는 실패했지만, 기술적으로는 성공해서 그 소프트웨어는 오늘날 애플 제품의 동력이 되고 있다.

네폴레옹의 컴백은 월터루에서 끝났다. 그러나 Jobs가 귀환한 이후 그는 애플을 가장 성공적으로 이끌어왔다. iPod과 iTunes 온라인 음악 시장이 바꾼 것은 음악 산업이었다(이번 주 애플의 발표에 따르면 조만간 복제금지 소프트웨어을 없앨 것이라고 한다. 복제금지 소프트웨어는 음악 애호가들에게 오랫동안 불편거리였다). iPhone은 휴대폰전화 산업을 도약시켰는데, 이것은 마치 본래의 맥킨토시가 1984년에 컴퓨터 산업을 변화시킨 것과 같다. 애플 컴퓨터와 노트북이 되살아나고 있다.

우려가 있다면 이 또한 나폴레옹에게 익숙한 것인데, 그는 위암으로 사망한 것 같다. Jobs는 췌장암이 있어서 2004년에 그 일부를 제거했다. 특이한 점은 그가 얼마간 수술 사실을 알리지 않았다. 그가 암을 이겨낸 것으로 보이지만, 작년에 그는 투자가들을 놀라게 했는데 아파보이고 마른 상태로 무대에 선 것이다. 당시에 그는 "일반적인 장애"라고 말했다. 그러나 그는 여전히 부쩍 말라있다.

지난 달 우려가 커졌다. 당시에 애플사가 갑자기 회사로 귀환한 후 처음으로 Jobs가 Macworld의 기조 연설을 하지 않을 것이라고 발표했기 때문이다. Macworld는 샌프란시스코에서 해마다 열리는 무역박람회이다. 이번 주 애플사의 마케팅 담당자인 Philip Schiller가 용감하게 Jobs를 대신했다. 1월 5일 Jobs도 처음으로 그를 고통스럽게 하는 것을 일정 정도 상세하게 드러냈다. 그는 이것이 "호르몬 불균형"이라고 했다. 호르몬 불균형으로 인해 그는 단백질을 잃었던 것인데 "단순하고 간단한" 치료법이 있다. 그럴 듯해 보인다. 췌장암의 일부를 제거하면 특정 효소의 생산을 방해하기 때문이다.

경영 스타일을 비롯해서 많은 면에서 나폴레옹 형인 Jobs는 한 가지 더 이점을 가지고 있다. 나폴레옹은 주변에 Talleyrand와 같은 배신자가 있었다. Jobs는 강한 집행팀과 이사회를 가지고 있다. 그들이 이번 주 "절대적이고 흔들리지 않는 지지"를 약속했다.